Reversing optimistic predictions, the organisers now caution against expecting a comprehensive deal out of Copenhagen. While the United States and other developed nations have stressed the need for large developing countries like China, India, Brazil and Russia also, along with developed countries, to take on mandatory emissions cuts by 2020, there is little indication that they will accept that.(New York Times, 2009 October 14 ) There is much disagreement on where the blame falls and who needs to act and by how much. In this context, it is interesting to explore the various arguments and world-views that form the basis of the negotiating positions of the different parties and attempt to weigh them relative to each other.
One of the arguments advanced most often, especially by developing countries, is based on historical fairness.(Joshi) Before the Industrial revolution in Europe, the levels of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere, especially Carbon dioxide, had remained stable for many centuries. Most of the rise in greenhouse gases since has been man-made, and caused chiefly by the residents of what today is the developed world. Although the current citizens of those countries are not responsible for the actions of their forefathers, it is undeniable that the privilege they enjoy today by virtue of being born and raised in their developed societies was built on the rapid industrialisation of their past. Scientists agree today that we can only pump so much more greenhouse gases into the atmosphere before our climate changes unacceptably. So, shouldn’t the rest of the emissions that the earth can take be divided mostly between the developing countries? If geography is destiny when it comes to inherited privilege, why is it not so when it comes to responsibility?
Understandably, this cold logic doesn’t curry much favour in the developed world. It would mean an abrupt change in their standard of living and seems punitive and vindictive. In the absence of today’s scientific data, it was not at all clear in the past that emissions of greenhouse gases will cause climate change. Is it then fair to hold one responsible for actions that were considered entirely acceptable when they were committed? Besides, it doesn’t take into account the enormous differences in the standards of living within individual countries. In developing countries today, there are wide disparities with many elite sections living a very high carbon life while the majority are poor. If it is fair to deny the developed world emissions because of their past behaviour, it is equally unfair to let the elite sections of the developing countries use up the credits that belong to their poor compatriots. In the absence of social justice, national boundaries are poor criteria on which to base the division of climate credits. Moreover, such a scheme based on history alone does not take into account the fact that while populations in most rich countries have stabilised, developing countries still face unbridled population growth and most of the rise in greenhouse gas emissions in the future will come from the developing world. Yet, this plan fails to provide any incentive for population control which is most important if we are to maintain an increasing standard of living in the future.
Another basis of a climate deal might be the dangers that each country faces from climate change. For example, rising sea levels threaten large coastal populations in island nations like the Maldives and densely packed Bangladesh. Receding Himalayan glaciers threaten the water supply of large countries like India and China. Intensifying droughts and expanding desertification are a danger to many other countries worldwide. So, the argument goes that these countries, which are the least prepared to face the consequences of climate change and hence most in need of a global deal, should be making the most concessions. Cruel as it may seem, many of the nations most vulnerable to the ravages of climate change are the ones least responsible for and least prepared to deal with it. But, such a deal will only serve to perpetuate worldwide inequities and should be unacceptable even to the most hard-headed among us.
An alternative might be to mandate a specific percentage reduction in emissions from a base year, say 2009 or 1990. This recognises that climate change is a worldwide problem and assigns equal responsibility to all of us, but doesn’t take into account the current variations in per-capita emissions around the world. It would also lead to a perpetuation of the international gap between living standards. If the reductions are to be based on a per-capita figure, it also creates further disincentives for population control in the developing world too.
There could also be a proposal where all nations are restricted to a fixed per-capita emissions level where the level for each nation is calculated based on 2009 population figures, which would be a strong incentive to curb wanton population growth. This limit would be lower than what developed countries emit today and higher than what the poorest countries of the world emit. To avoid economic shocks, various carbon trading schemes and exchange of green technology for carbon credits between countries can be used. Keeping the scientific consensus on the greenhouse gas limit in mind, the total emissions allowed for each country will have to be gradually reduced. This scheme seems to hold the most benefits for all, but that doesn’t mean it is the deal most likely to be reached.
The hardest balance to strike in Copenhagen and beyond would be to reach a deal that is strong enough to curb emissions and restrain man-made climate change while doing so in a way that is seen to be fair by all the parties involved. The experience of the US signing and then failing to ratify the Kyoto protocol underscores the importance of countries building a domestic consensus on the compromises that have to be made before actually agreeing internationally to make them.(New York Times, 2009 October 20) Even if international consensus is achieved, emissions control is not the final solution. Renewable energy technologies will have to get progressively more economical to fill the gap that is created by reducing fossil fuel consumption. Increased government support to clean energy research and worldwide co-operation in sharing technology is vital.
Enormous progress has already been made as governments the world over have recognised the seriousness of human interference in climate and agreed in principle to mitigate it.(Nature, 2009a) I am hopeful that our better instincts will prevail and that we will see this issue less as a competition for the remnants of a spoiled earth and more as the call to international action that it is. Every generation in human history has strived to leave behind a better world for future generations. We have to act now if we are not to be the ones to reverse that. We owe that to our children.
"End of the road for Copenhagen? ", 2009b, News at Nature.
"Biggest Obstacle to Global Climate Deal May Be How to Pay for It", 2009 October 14, New York Times.
"As Time Runs Short for Global Climate Treaty, Nations May Settle for Interim Steps", 2009 October 20, New York Times.
Joshi, Vijay., "Burden-sharing made simple" «Prospect Magazine, 10/27/2009.




